A Review on the Chapters of The Problematization of Poverty: The Tale of Three Worlds and Development and Economics and the Space of Development: Tale

Summary
The article delved into 2 chapters of the book by Escobar (1995); the chapters of The Problimitization of Poverty: The Tale of Three Worlds and Development and the Economics and the Space of Development: Tales of Growth and Capital. The first chapter talked about the ‘discovery’ of mass poverty in the post-World War II period in the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. It talked about the historical development of poverty on a global scale and the invention of development strategies during the different periods to ‘eradicate’ poverty. Of course, the type of development being promoted is the instigation of the ideas and expectations of the Western countries on what a normal course of evolution and progress should be.

It went on to discuss the historical factors of development in terms of economic progress, its definition, and institutionalization wherein development became the object of study, the ‘scientification’ of development in different levels bringing with it the politics of knowledge and the arguments issued on the failure or success of strategies and programs employed by development groups and institutions. Such development strategies are believed to ‘normalize’ the ‘abnormal’ world with the presence of poverty. Several examples were presented in the article on the nature of poverty found and the discourses of approaches and interventions employed to change the existing social systems and the range of poverty found.

The previous chapter is a take-off point for the second chapter on the economics of development. It brings about the use of development economics to achieve growth and capital – the mirrors of economic success and modernity. It started with the discussion on the definition of economics followed by the presentation of discourses on various economic theories and models from classical to modern. But this is not just about the rhetoric of economic. The author went to discuss economics of culture in terms of the historical constructions of the economy, economy as a cultural force, practices that emerged as a result of these constructions and the consequences of such constructions. It includes the discussion on the ‘capacity of people to model their own behavior and reproduce forms of discourse that contribute to the social and cultural domination effected through forms of representation’.

The author proposed a re-thinking on what development is in the perspective of the economy on two levels, (1) to accept that there is a plurality of models with the inclusion of local constructions and (2) to have a theory on the mechanisms that take place in the local and global arena given the dynamics of the local forms and the global system of economic and cultural production. He further stated that a global economy must be understood as a decentered system taking into account the ways in which local group participates in the complex process and how the most exploitative mechanisms of capitalism can be avoided.

Critique and Reflection
In the guise of humanitarian concern, there emerged ‘new forms of power and control,’ of which those that were supposed to be ‘beneficiaries’ – the poor, became the target and playing field of the different agencies for development. The tale of massive poverty created a myth that indeed, the ‘third world’ is a third world – the inferior, the underdeveloped, the ignorant. As it is, along with the aids are economic exploitation of rich natural resources and indigenous knowledge.

More than the discussion of the different development approaches, theories and sophisticated models, the point that can be drawn from the article is the biases incurred in social enterprises, carried over and over with the changing dynamics of the world. The introduction of new concepts of the West to the ‘underdeveloped’ nations, in the guise of awareness-raising or knowledge –building is a unilinear point of view of what a ‘normal’ world should be. This fails to account that before the conquest of the West and the massive exploitation that occurred making the rich richer and the poor poorer, people were living according to the way of life that is normal to them.

As a way to re-contextual development, it should take into account local models to represent people’s construction of development. Certainly, this is an interpretative way of seeing it and to the hardcore scientist, this is unacceptable. ‘It takes the ‘subjects’ as agents of self-definition whose practice is shaped by their self-understanding.’ But this should truly be the perspective of development agencies in their implementation of changes in the local setting, if indeed the local system needs an overhaul. Connecting this with the article on human rights, this is a way of respecting their capability for self-determination. The involvement of the people, their inclusion to the different stages of program implementation, taking into account their own descriptions and use it a starting point for any agenda may that be for social research or for any development undertakings.

Source: Escubar, A (1995). Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

A Review on a Human Rights-based Approach to Development in UNDP

Children’s Rights in Human Rights

In today’s development work, the focus of the different development agencies is basically on the inclusion of people’s participation in the decisions and process that affects their lives in the implementation of programs. This is where the subject of human rights comes in. With the definition of human rights as moral norms, standards of accountability and weapons in the struggle of social justice, human rights provide a way of ‘empowering all people to make decisions about their own lives rather than being passive subjects of choices made on their behalf’.

The article delved into the discussion of the approach used by UNDP – the Human Rights-based Approach in their development programming that focus on development goals, ownership, and sustainability. Human rights-based approach is considered as a ‘holistic framework to enrich operational strategies in key areas’. The value lies in the transformative potential to alleviate injustice, inequality and poverty. It provides a vision of what development should strive to achieve and a set of human rights standards and principles. ‘It translates people’s needs into rights, recognizing the human persons the active subject and claim-holder’. This approach is strongly advocated by UNDP in the application of development programming to their UN partners, bilateral donors and major civil society organizations.

The approach is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that includes the succeeding legally binding human rights conventions or treaties that were ratified by member countries, namely; (1) International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, (2) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, (3) Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and (4) Convention on the Rights of the Child.

As was introduced above, a set of human rights-principles are of particular relevance for UNDP programming. These are (1) universality & indivisibility, (2) equality & nondiscrimination, (3) participation & inclusion, and (4) accountability & rule of law. These are considered to be minimum requirements in development assistance programming.

In the programming process, it was discussed in the article that human rights values, standards and principles should pervade in all aspects and phases, from the assessment, analysis, planning, implementation up to the monitoring and evaluation. Thus, the human rights programming is a continuing process in all its phases, having clear and appropriate indicators, and highlighting the meaningful participation of the people. However, the UNDP human rights programming can only be translated in the country-level through the participation of the government and other civil organizations.

With the extensive presentation on human rights-based programming, I would like to zero in on the specific context on children’s rights in the application of human rights-based approach. The human rights-based approach is the guide used by most child agencies; government-led agencies such as DSWD, CWC as well as local and international NGOs for children. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) serves as standards in the implementation of any programs and projects intended for the well-being and overall development of children, keeping in mind the four broad rights of children – rights for survival, development, protection and participation.

Being a signatory on the UNCRC, the Philippine government is expected to adopt the ratified document in the implementation of programs and projects for children. This is manifested by the creation of local laws for the protection of children stipulated in the UNCRC. RA 7610 (Special protection of children against child abuse, exploitation and discrimination) and RA 9262 (Punishes violence against women and their children) are examples of country level adoption of the UNCRC. Municipal mandates and barangay ordinances for children gives further credence in the functionality of created laws implemented down to the grass root level where the children are found. Inclusion of people’s meaningful participation and maintaining a strong partnership with NGOs like child sponsorship agencies that are present in the locality is crucial for sustainability and operationalization of human rights-based programming.

To conclude, the human rights-based approach in development promotes the well-being and dignity of all people in all walks of life. It recognizes the stake of the people in tackling poverty and vulnerability. It facilitates the claim for equal access in the alleviation of poverty, inequality, and injustice. However, the approach needs the cooperation of the LGUs in the strict implementation and adherence to locally mandated ordinances.

An Article Review on Femininity and Sexual Agency Among Young Unmarried Women in Hanoi by Trang Quach

In the transitional phase of development in contemporary urban Vietnam, young unmarried women are struggling between liberal sexuality and conservative values and norms regarding women’s sexual roles and practices. However, women constantly negotiate and renegotiate in the construction of sexual identities and subjectivities.

On one hand, women’s views of female sexuality are seen to be constrained by the conservative social construction of femininity of which their bodies is seen as ‘body-for-others’. Young women are perceived as lacking agency to make decisions about their sexual lives. This is manifested in disinterest in sex and passivity in sexual encounters. Sexuality is seen as a commodity that is of value to men and this includes putting great weight on female virginity.

On the other hand, young women try to exercise their agency through multiple competing discourses on femininity and sexuality. In here, the ‘body-for-self’ is central in the embodiment of female sexuality. This is exacerbated by globalization and the rapid social and economic development of Vietnam that provided unmarried educated women with many previously unavailable opportunities and lifestyles that compete with conventional gender roles. Young women, for example, are engage in pre-marital sex and consider sexual relations between unmarried couples as natural.

Aiming to maintain their position of ‘authority’, these women may successfully transform their bodies to ‘body-for-self’, but it is likely possible that they also maintain the ‘body-for-others’ in order to protect their honour in the eyes of society. Sexuality is seen as part of woman’s ‘self’ that is not always only passively determined by men. As such, sexuality is a right, free from coercion and exploitation that serves ‘body-for-self’. However, women can make their bodies a ‘body-for-self’ by using them in ‘culturally expected ways though participation in sexual activity and reproduction, thereby, acquiring personal honour.

In the eyes of society, ‘body-for-self’ is a problem and a target for social condemnation. Health policies and programmes in Vietnam regarded sexuality of young unmarried women as problematic because of the high risk of pregnancy and abortion. Pre-marital sex is a societal taboo. This makes it difficult for young people, especially women, to acknowledge their own sexuality and also for policy-makers and program managers to respond to their needs. Thus, exercising their agency to enjoy sexual pleasure and achieve sexual health well-being is difficult in this situation.

The social construction of feminine sexuality, ‘body-for-others’, may be used to serve young women’s sexual desire as ‘body-for-self’. Through sexual manipulation, ‘body-for-others’, which is controlled by social and cultural expectations of feminine sexual identities, may be used to negotiate their sexuality. These negotiations and re-negotiations emphasize the ability to have ‘choices’ in the context of social construction of femininity in a transitional society.